Tuesday, February 14, 2012

The Mystery of the Second Taxi Driver



“I have found that liars in the end communicate more truth than do truth tellers.”
                        Special Agent Pendergast, FBI



In the case of New Jersey vs. Bruno Richard Hauptmann, one man’s testimony was essential to the conviction.  Despite all the other forensic evidence, the handwriting, the wood evidence, the money, it was the dramatic performance of John F. Condon, Dr John Francis Condon, “Jafsie,” that moved the jury to convict Hauptmann as the kidnapper and murderer of little Charles August Lindbergh, Jr.  When Condon thrice pronounced the verdict that Hauptmann was the man at St. Raymond’s cemetery on the night of April 2, 1932, the man to whom he paid $50,000, the trial was effectively over.  Condon’s voice rang out over the crowded courtroom with the finality of doomsday, as he brought down his fist on the witness chair.
It would be hard to say, however, who in that courtroom was the most apprehensive about what Jafsie might blurt out during either direct or cross-examination.  The defense team was prepared for the worst, but also for a test of wills.  Perhaps Ed Reilly was over-matched, intellectually and financially; perhaps he was merely putting on a show for his patron, William Randolph Hearst; but even Big Ed managed to corner Condon on one or two occasions.  The prosecutor had to pull his star witness back from the edge each time.  Also in the courtroom was Dr. Dudley Shoenfeld, a consultant to the prosecution, who had his own fears about Condon, worrying that he might have one of his off days while on the stand.  If that happened, Shoenfeld thought the result could be bad for the prosecution.
Much of Condon’s behavior throughout the investigation has been put down to eccentricity, and, with a sort of nonchalant wave of the hand, the old gent’s constant desire to be in the limelight.  But as Judge Trenchard had said about some other somewhat questionable prosecution testimony, should we not, on the whole, accept his assertions as reasonable?    
The differences in his various accounts, moreover, never really touched on the central narrative of his testimony:  he met a man on two occasions, and gave police a description of what he looked like; and a composite drawing was made from his words (and those of Joseph Perrone) that strongly resembled Hauptmann.  The other verbal descriptions given by Condon also made up a picture of a man who in age, height, weight, hair and eye color, seemed a good match.  What did it matter then, that Condon changed certain details, such as the persistent coughing he had noticed at their first encounter, which became a single cough on the witness stand, or the fleshy enlargement at the base of Cemetery John’s thumb that seemed to disappear when things became serious.  And, come on, didn’t he fear for his life, and wasn’t that why he failed to declare his identification of Hauptmann as Cemetery John that night of the arrest? 
He more than made up for those slips, but his behavior still worried Prosecutor David Wilentz right up to the very moment he denounced Hauptmann.  And with good reason.  Down in Florida in the winter of 1934, Condon said he doubted a conviction for murder could be achieved.  The old man sometimes behaved, well, like an old man, forgetful, even rather childish in inquiring if J.Edgar Hoover might have a medal to give him.  Then, too, he thrice changed the description of a woman who approached him during the negotiations from a middle aged frumpish sort of person, to an attractive gypsy woman with curls on her forehead.  The list of these “small details” and “innocent eccentricities” is almost endless – but no matter, on the central questions he was sure he was right.
But before the courtroom appearance, before he made his dramatic gesture thumping the witness chair, before the arrest of Bruno Richard Hauptmann, Condon himself was a “Prime Suspect,” in the pattern of those who come under Helen Mirren’s keen eye on the popular British mystery series.  Condon had become a suspect in part because of the “missing taxi driver,” the man he claimed came to his door to deliver the note about where he was to go to get instructions about the place the ransom was to be paid.  Here is Condon in his memoir of the case, Jafsie Tells All, published in 1936 describing the encounter at his front door the night of April 2, 1932:
At 7:45 o’clock that night, the doorbell rang.  I nodded to Myra [Hacker, Condon’s daughter] Wordlessly, a trace of fright in her face, she got up, started for the hallway to answer the door.
I heard her open the door, could restrain myself no longer.  I got up from my chair in the deathly silence of that tense room, followed her.  Over her shoulder, I saw a man in a taxi-driver’s cap turn and start down the steps.  His cab was pulling away from the curb as I tore open the envelope she handed me.  I walked back toward the living room.  Colonel Lindbergh and Colonel Breckinridge stood close at my side as I unfolded the note.  It bore the kidnaper’s symbol signature. (p. 142)

            Condon’s memory seems very acute here; he can even recall a “trace of fright in her face.”  But what are the essential elements?  Myra went to the hallway, Myra opened the door, Myra received the note, and Jafsie only saw the man over her shoulder as he suddenly turned and retreated down the steps to his cab. There was no verbal exchange at all.  Condon never spoke to the man, had no occasion to ask him anything about where he got the note, or insist on getting his name or even have someone else get his name and badge number.  He would say on other occasions about this omission that he was too excited about getting the child back safely, and simply forgot.  A plausible answer at first blush, but it does not square with other accounts of the brief encounter.
 Condon tells readers here and other places ad infinitum that of all the parties concerned, he was the most adamant about not paying the ransom without seeing the child.  He was not the prime suspect, then, but the prime skeptic.  Yet his skepticism fails him at a critical moment, or so it would seem from Jafsie Tells All.  Jafsie prided himself above all on providing analytical interpretations of what was happening as the case went on, discovering supposed new evidence in the nursery of a palm print, designing a box that could be traced, etc.  Yet he seems too excited at the crucial moment to ask even the most basic of questions.  The night the first taxi driver, Joe Perrone, appeared at his door, by contrast, Jafsie had him thoroughly questioned.
Did his skepticism fail him here?  The account in Jafsie Tells All effectively shuts off questions about why the second taxi man was never identified --  it was Myra’s fault – if anyone was to blame.  The second taxi driver had become a somewhat embarrassing matter for Condon, because before he wrote his memoirs he had given several contradictory accounts of the encounter from the time of his first statements to the police and Grand Jury in 1932, even down to a few months before the arrest of Hauptmann.        In Jafsie Tells All he cannot be blamed for failing to pursue the taxi driver’s identity – because Myra took the note from his hand, Myra was the only one who might have spoken to him, and he rushed down the steps before Condon could get to the front door.
Now turn back the clock to 1934.  It is two years closer to the events, and an FBI agent interviews Myra:
She stated that she was at her father’s home the day and night of April 2, 1932, and that when the party who delivered the ransom note on that night appeared on the front porch of her father’s home she saw this party through the glass in the front door; that she approached the door but did not open it and then returned to the other room while her father answered the door.  She stated that this party appeared to have dark skin, like that of an Italian; that he was slim and was not dressed like a taxi driver. She further stated that he did not appear to be over 25 years of age and could possibly have been as young as 19 years of age.  She stated that she did not know what conversation ensued between her father and this party as she returned to the other room, but thinks that her father tipped this party as they had all previously discussed the fact that he should be given a liberal tip.

It should be noted here that Dr. Condon does not remember that his daughter Myra was at his home on the night of April 2, 1932; also, that the Doctor states that the party who delivered the ransom note on that date was dressed like a taxi driver.  (E. Sandberg, “Unknown Subjects,” Report of July 24, 1934, Bureau of Investigation Report, in NJSP.  )

Myra thus tells quite a different story.  She and her father’s positions are reversed.  Now it is she who only glimpses the man –and notes he is quite young, Italian-looking, and was not dressed as a taxi driver.  She heard none of the conversation, but thinks he might have been given a tip – as they had discussed previously.  So what she remembers is that the group inside Condon’s house had, in fact, discussed what to do if a message was brought as in the first instance on March 12th, by Joe Perrone – who became, it will be remembered, a key witness at the trial.  Condon excuses himself from this conversation by asserting he can’t remember if Myra was there that night.
(Now before we go into the affair of the missing taxi driver in more detail, a brief comment on another issue raised by his memoir.  In Jafsie Tells All, Condon explains that he was moved to write to the Bronx Home News imploring the kidnapper to return the child and offering $1000 of his own money by events the very night of the kidnapping, when he learned of the crime from an “Extra” newspaper while having a late night repast in a restaurant.  It must have been very late, indeed, as no one knew of the crime until after 10 p.m.  This is the only place he argues that his intervention was triggered that early.  In other accounts, he places the date of his decision several days later.  Is it just another one of those pesky coincidences or lapses that by placing his determination to enter the case earlier he avoids discussing a visit to his house on March 7, 1932, by another “unknown” person, a woman with a Swedish accent?   We will come back to this mystery woman [there is one other of course, the frump or gypsy at the bazaar] and her visit later.)
As we continue reading backward, there appear more and more variations in Condon’s statements on the taxi driver.  A short time before the FBI interviewed Condon and his daughter, Lieutenant Arthur Keaten of the New Jersey State Police reported that Condon could give only a “meager description” of the man.  But a few days before that, in talking with FBI agent Thomas Sisk, he could remember significant additional details of the conversation:
Man:  Are you Dr. Condon?
Dr.C:  Yes.

Man: Here is a note for you.
Dr.C: Where did you get it?

Man: Near 188th Street and Marion Avenue.  A man asked me to give it to Dr. Condon.

Sisk added that Dr. Condon “is not positive but believes he overlooked getting the taxi driver’s name and address.”  He might have done so, but in the excitement forgot to make a note.  And he could not recall any more conversation with the man.  This was odd thought Sisk, because Condon had testified before a Grand Jury in 1932 in much more detail.  Sisk kept pressing Condon, who finally explained that he understood  the “taxi driver”  got the note  near “Rosie’s” or Rosenhain’s restaurant --  where Dr. Condon often visited for late night refreshments.  Yet another coincidence! 
Sisk was understandably perplexed by the various stories :
Talking with Keaten and Lt. Finn of the New York Police, he discovered that “everyone who has worked on the Lindbergh case are (sic.) at a loss to understand why Dr. Condon did not obtain this taxi driver’s name and address.”   (Arthur T. Keaten, Report, July 3, 1934, Reports File 317, NJSP; T.H. Sisk, “Unknown Subjects,” June 28, 1934, ibid.)

In the famous FBI Summary Report on the case, dated February 16, 1934, it is recorded that neither Col. Lindbergh nor Col. Breckinridge, who were both said to be in a back room that night ever saw the taxi driver.  “Dr Condon is the only one who saw the man, and according to him, the man arrived driving a taxicab. Condon could give no description of either the man or the taxicab.  (Summary Report, p. 182)  This is interesting, because as we will see, he had given detailed descriptions earlier, under oath.
Condon was questioned at length about the second taxi driver by New York Assistant District Attorney Edward F. Breslin on May 14, 1932 and appeared before a Grand Jury on May 20, 1932.  Both times he gave lengthy (and as is often the case with Condon, confusing) answers to questions about the taxi driver.  In Breslin’s office he was asked to explain the arrival of the second taxi driver. Condon said that the driver came around 8 or a little after with the note instructing Condon to head out for the rendezvous. The driver claimed that he had received the note from a man around 188th St and Marion Avenue wearing a brown overcoat.  “He [the taxi driver] described the overcoat as having one button and from the description, or near the same description, I felt it was the same party.”  What same party?    Condon has evidently confused the events of March 12th with April 2nd.  Here he continues his answer to Breslin: “The taxi man said he got a dollar from the man.” Now that was Perrone’s story about the events of March 12th. 
Note how Condon has inserted this comment, and how Breslin misses taking it up.  Of course one must remember that this was the first time that Breslin and others had confronted Condon only a few days after the discovery of the body. But one has to ask, did Condon deliberately attempt here to confuse the two encounters, or was he simply befuddled?
 Did anybody take steps to determine who he was? continued Breslin,  instead of pressing on the question of which taxi driver received a tip.   And Condon replied:
I asked him who he was and where he came from.  He said, “I came from 188th and Marion with this note to Dr. Condon.”  I went to the door and asked him where he got it, what kind of man.  He said, “Not richly dressed, brown fedora.”  Personally I didn’t get his name.

Breslin was not satisfied with that last part of the answer:

Didn’t you attempt to get his name?

Not of the taxi man because there was nothing involved except the note.  Someone attempted to get his name and address.   [At this point, Condon suddenly brings in Milton Gaglio, a young friend who had taken down the name of the first taxi driver, and thereby confuses  once again the line of questioning.] Milton came over for my lecture the first time and this time Milton was out of the case altogether.  I don’t know whether anyone tried or not.

So, said a frustrated Breslin all but giving up, he didn’t know if the name had been determined or not, but thought not. That was correct, said Condon, easing himself out of the dialogue.  Well, could Condon recognize him if he saw the man again?
I couldn’t describe him so well, I was more interested in the note and transactions than I was in the taxi driver

            A week later before the Grand Jury, Condon’s memory about the driver had improved greatly – at least in some ways.  Did Condon recollect who went to the door, he was asked?   He went to the door on both occasions (March 12 and April 2) he said.  Then this:
Q. Was there anybody else present while you were talking to the taxicab driver?

A.  I am not positive whether a little man reputed to belong to the secret service was there or not at that particular time – he came many times, I think not.

Q.  How far removed from you was Colonel Breckenridge when you were conversing with this taxicab driver or in full view of Colonel Breckenridge?

A.  Yes, in full view I opened the door and kept him out, I didn’t call the taxi man in.

Q.  He remained on the outside?

A.  Yes sir, with the door half open.

As the questioning went ahead, a juror asked yet again if he had gotten a name.  “I asked him where he came from but I didn’t go into detail or form or feature.  Did the man say anything, then, about the person who gave him the note?  “I said to him, ‘What did he look like?’ he said, he seemed to be pretty poor, had had on an overcoat and a fedora hat or dark brown hat, I don’t know whether he used the word seedy or not.”  So, it appears here and from the Breslin interrogation that Condon and the taxi driver had quite a little chat about the person.  He had one button buttoned – a very observant taxi driver indeed.  But the way Condon told the story, Perrone and the mystery man kept getting mixed up.  Then in a new statement to the police on July 7, 1932, Condon added that the man was apparently a Jew, about 5 feet, six inches tall, with “long sideboards” on his face. (Transcripts of May 14 and May 20, 1932, NJSP; Statement of July 7, 1932, ibid.)
            There are in Condon’s narrative three “phases” to the second taxi driver affair.  In 1932, when he was first pressed about the messenger in the immediate aftermath of the discovery of the dead child, police and other law enforcement agencies had little to go on in their questioning, and Condon’s explanations with all their vagueness seemed satisfactory, at least before a search had been made for the man’s identity.  There were specific details about the man who gave the taxi driver the note, however. By 1934, when Thomas Sisk of the FBI had a lengthy session with Condon, no suspect had been arrested and all leads seemed to go nowhere.  Pressed for more details on all his activities, “Jafsie” responded with additional information and concrete descriptions while still claiming he had not been interested in securing personal information about the messenger, only in getting the note.  In 1936, Jafsie supposedly told all after Hauptmann’s conviction – but his story about the second taxi driver shrank to a glimpse over Myra’s shoulder.
            So let us look at Sisk’s interview once more.  Actually his report of June 28, 1934 on his conversations with Condon covered several dates in that month.  During the course of these interviews Condon now said that he was positive the man was a taxi driver because he was wearing a “chauffeur’s cap and had every appearance of being a taxi driver and also the man stated he was a taxi driver.”  Sisk asked if he saw a taxi at the curb?  No, he did not, “and, in fact, made no effort to see whether a taxi was parked in front of the house as it was dark and the bushes and trees in front of his house obscured the view.”  But then Condon reiterated that he had “no reason to doubt the man’s word.”
            Sisk must have seemed doubtful, so Condon then related “that he has a vague recollection of having observed the lights of a car through the bushes and of hearing a motor running.”  At this late date, he went on, he could not furnish a detailed description of the taxi driver, “except to state that the man was short and dark and possibly about 30 years of age and either Italian or Jewish.  He further stated that none of the others present in the house came to the door or saw the taxi driver; of this fact he is positive.” 
Two years later, of course, it is Myra, and Myra alone who saw the driver’s face.  But Condon told Sisk that while he probably could not identify the man from a photograph, he would “possibly” remember him if he saw him in person. ( Sisk Report, June 28, 1934, copy in NJSP Reports File 317)  For all of his elaboration from 1932 to 1934, Condon had provided precious little for the police to work with in finding the man. Little wonder he would not discuss the question of his failure to get the name and badge number in his memoirs.  Condon also spun out his favorite line when dealing with the case—that it had been a crime perpetrated by aliens.  He was the one who introduced the “Italian” element almost from the first when he reported on a telephone conversation that he overheard voices speaking in Italian; he claimed that he got interested in the case because of the insults of a group of men with thick, soupy accents.  Etc. 
The first effort to find out about the second taxi driver was to send men to the area around Rosenhain’s restaurant to see if there was a taxi stand nearby.  There wasn’t. Moreover, the location was approximately ten blocks from Condon’s home, and was primarily a residential area.  Not only was there no taxi stand there, “no taxicabs have ever followed the practice of cruising in this vicinity.” The only other possibilities, said Sisk, were that the driver lived in the locality and was having dinner so that when he came out, there was someone waiting with a note.  Or, as one might surmise from Sisk’s inquiries, the messenger was not a taxi driver, but someone sent specially and for some reason did not want it known that he had undertaken the mission.  And, given Condon’s various stories, Sisk suspected he knew more about his mysterious visitor than he wanted known.
The New York police effort was headed by Captain Richard Oliver, who pursued the matter with tenacity, as we will see, and the New Jersey effort by Lieutenant “Buster” Keaten and Captain Lamb.   In their search they went over the trip sheets of all taxicab drivers in New York for the night of April 2nd, 1932; they posted notices on the bulletin boards of all the big companies asking for the driver to come forward, and they advertised in the taxi driver’s journal – all without success.  Sisk was impressed with their work.  “It seems hardly possible that the man who delivered the eleventh ransom note didn’t know the police wanted him for questioning, and if he actually was a taxi driver and had no part in the case it seems as though he would have come forward.”  (Sisk Report, June 28, 1934)
It was true, Sisk added, that delivering a message was different than taking on a fare, and the driver might not have recorded the trip.  Yet the efforts made to discover if a cabbie had been sent to Condon’s home by someone wearing a brown overcoat, with a brown or gray fedora, with one button buttoned at the top, was proving impossible.  Sisk noted, however, that NYPD detective Thompson had told him that he believed there were two detectives watching the house that night and that an effort was under way to identify them and get their reports to see if they had seen any cab, and obtained a license number.  Lieutenant Keaten added that there were a number of newsmen supposedly hanging around the house, and, if they saw a cab, they might have asked questions of the driver.  (Sisk Report, June 28, 1934)
Although Sisk had heard about the NYPD detectives on watch the night of April 2nd, he apparently did not know that there were also (F)BI agents in a house across the street from Condon’s residence, and two others placed in another observation spot a block away.  One of these, Special Agent Lackey, who was across the street saw Lindbergh’s tan Franklin convertible arrive shortly before 9:50 p.m.  The car contained Col. Lindbergh, Breckinridge, and an unknown third man.  They entered the house carrying two black bags and extra overcoats.  Precisely at 9:50 p.m. these three exited the house and drove off in a northerly direction.  Lights remained on until 1 a.m, then it was dark.  The car did not return until April 3rd, but neither Lindbergh nor Breckinridge were inside.  At 6:20 p.m. that evening the car again left and was not seen again; but at 1 a.m. Monday, April 4th, the car drove into the Lindbergh estate.  “They had with them the black bags heretofore mentioned and appeared dejected.  They were observed by Special Agent Wayne Merrick, who did not talk with them.  Lt. Sweeney of the New Jersey State Police told Merrick the money had not been paid.”  (J.M. Keith, “Memorandum for the Director,” April 6, 1932, Records of the F.B.I., National Archives)
This is, of course, at odds with other accounts, especially the timing of Lindbergh’s arrival at Condon’s home.  There are, however, many discrepancies in Condon’s stories about how the money was paid, and received, too many to discuss here.  But there is no other report in such detail of money not being paid.  We do know that $20,000 was removed by Condon. This may be what the report refers to. What is one to make of Keith’s report, therefore, based as it is on information supplied by two other (F)BI  Special Agents, Lackey and Merrick?  The detail is impressive, and the car was obviously very familiar to them all.  If Lindbergh arrived shortly before 9:50 that would be almost two hours after the mysterious cab driver delivered the message.  Condon was vague about where Lindbergh and Breckinridge were at 8 p.m., saying only (every time) that they were in the rear of the house.  But both men always said that they had been there at the time the message was received.  The Keith Report disappeared into the archives, and was never heard of again until a search of the files produced it in 2003.  One must be skeptical, yet there seems no motive for Keith to falsify statements intended for his superiors.  
Another report, by Special Agent E. J. Connelley, partially confirmed Keith’s report as it noted that in addition to the ones Condon mentioned as being in the house that night, there were also operatives from the Intelligence Unit of the Treasury Department. (Throughout the investigation, the T-men and G-men were often at odds, with Hoover especially on watch to see that his agency was not being shunted aside by Lindbergh.)  Connelley added that while Col. Norman Schwarzkopf said that Lindbergh and Condon proceeded alone to the payoff rendezvous, “reliable sources” had informed him that “four persons left the home at about 10:00 p.m. with a package on Saturday night, April 2, 1932” for the purpose of delivering the money. (Connelley to Hoover, June 22, 1932, FBI Records)
There is no indication in any report that the (F)BI agents saw a taxicab arrive; but that does not prove another car did not arrive that night.  The date of the Keith report is April 6, 1932, and the (F)BI was being kept in the dark, literally as well as outside Condon’s house. Perhaps Keith did not ask Lackey about other cars.  Still the precision of the reports is troubling.   In a memorandum to J. Edgar Hoover, agents would have been careful to report all that was witnessed, if they knew such details about an important event.  Keith and Connelley made their reports close to the events themselves, but may, of course, have been misled – even without Condon’s misguiding hand.  Still, we will find that no police report, no (F)BI report, no news report provides a single instance of anyone on watch that night seeing the arrival of a taxicab.
Not surprisingly, all this led Captain Oliver to insist that there was no taxicab driver on the night of April 2, 1932.  (Schwarzkopf File, Exhibit 11, p. 3, Hoffman Papers, NJSP)  Oliver himself was there outside Condon’s house , “and when the Colonel left with the doctor, Oliver, dressed like a derelict, proceeded to follow in an old automobile.  It was not long before the Colonel realized he was being followed, and the game of lose-me-if-you-can went on.”  Lindbergh’s efforts to shake Oliver were unsuccessful, according to Dr. Dudley Shoenfeld, and he arrived near St. Raymond’s prepared to enter the cemetery, but held back out of fear that he might jeopardize the baby’s life. (Shoenfeld, The Crime and the Criminal, pp. 30-1.) 
Shoenfeld’s source for the information is not revealed, although the statements allegedly made by Oliver are put in quotations.  The question immediately arises as to what else he might have seen that night at Condon’s or at St. Raymond’s?  We do not know.  The reports from Captain Oliver’s men, who were also watching the house that night, however, were much more specific about the traffic in and around the house.  No formal reports had been made by these men because of Lindbergh’s desire that police stay away from Condon’s home “that day.”  In 1934, while not supplying copies of the wiretaps the police had made of Condon’s phone calls, Detective Phillip Creamer supplied Special Agent E. Sandberg with the information orally.  There were many calls from New York Daily News correspondent Arthur O’Sullivan, hoping for a break.  Other newspaper reporters called, and Condon even called the United Press to offer a reporter there the first break.  Still more interesting, Agent Sandberg talked to two other detectives who said that they saw no taxicab drive up, but it would have been possible, they thought, for someone on foot to have delivered such a message. (E. Sandberg, Memorandum for File, July 12, 1934, FBI Records)
Clearly, there was a mystery here – one that would never be resolved.  The note had been delivered, but by whom, and how could everyone have missed a car driving up to Condon’s house on this narrow street?  Sandberg contacted O’Sullivan, who gave him detailed information about reporters who were in the vicinity of Condon’s home during the negotiations, and told him that if any of those men had seen a taxicab, and a messenger approach the house, he would have likely taken down the number or tried to contact that person for a story lead.  “Mr. O’Sullivan did not recall ever having seen a taxi drive up to Dr. Condon’s house at any time during the ransom negotiations.”  Since he was not there that evening, however, he would have to refer Sandberg to the others:
In conclusion it might be stated that O’Sullivan advised there was no organized surveillance of the Condon residence during the ransom negotiations, by newspaper men; that sometimes there would be quite a few of them in the neighborhood, and other times no one would be there; that it was therefore quite possible that various automobiles and taxicabs might have pulled up to the residence and not have been observed by anyone.  (Sandberg, Unknown Subjects, July 11, 1934, NJSP)

O’Sullivan’s information, therefore, was far from conclusive.  The sum of all the reports adds up to a compelling case, nevertheless, that no one observed a taxi cab drive up to Dr. Condon’s house on the evening of April 2, 1932, and that for everyone to have missed it, given the various “heads up” people had received that something important was afoot  (even from Condon’s telephone calls out to the press), is, at the very least, a most remarkable situation.  Only one person, Condon, “saw” a car through the bushes, and “heard” the motor running.  Myra Hacker in her 1934 statement said that she saw the man over her father’s shoulder.  In 1936, and only then, Condon said Myra took the message, and that he only caught a glimpse of the man disappearing down the steps. 
            And so we have come full circle chasing the “second taxi driver,” who would never be identified.  But there is, as noted earlier, a third taxi driver who figures in the Lindbergh case, Maurice Silken.  Joseph Perrone, whom we have not talked about, was truly eager to help the police.  He was the first taxi driver, the one who delivered the note to the Condon house on March 12, 1932.  Perrone called up the New Jersey State Police all the time with descriptions of suspects who resembled the man who gave him the note that night.  He was eager to collect reward money.  So was Mr. Silken.  He claimed that he had knowledge of a ladder that was used in the crime.  He claimed he saw Condon talking with suspicious men two or three days before the child’s body was discovered.  And he claimed that he took a woman with a “Swedish” accent to Condon’s home the morning of March 7, 1932.  All of his claims except the last were quickly disposed of as having no basis in the facts.     
            Silken came into the case through a series of letters to Col. Schwarzkopf in which he described a ladder he had seen on an automobile.  When police contacted him they found much more interesting his story of having delivered a fare to Condon’s house on March 7th.  Taken to Condon’s house for a confrontation, Silken said he realized he had been mistaken about seeing him with some suspicious men, but he reiterated his claim to having taken the fare to his house.  The woman paid him the $1.00 fare and a fifteen cent tip.  She was “in a highly nervous condition and spoke with a foreign accent apparently German or Swedish.” 
            After this recital, Condon confirmed Silken’s story.  He had received a visit from a woman that day.  Asked her name, Condon said he “did not know what her name was that that she had visited him for the purpose of having him get some children that she could keep at a summer camp she was going to operate on some large estate in the Atlantic Highlands, N.J.”  When Condon finished this statement, Silken interrupted to say that he knew Condon told NY detectives that this woman was applying for a job in his household as housekeeper.  “Dr Condon also admitted this to be the truth and being somewhat confused said that it was not right for these New York Detectives to be giving out information concerning this investigation.” (These paragraphs are drawn from reports by William T. Moffatt and William Horn, June 3, 6, and 8, 1932, Reports File 375, NJSP)
            In a later letter of October 1934, Silken would claim that the woman he had driven to Condon’s home was Anna Hauptmann.  But the third taxi driver had, almost by accident it would seem, brought out a problem connected with Condon’s truthfulness in stating his reasons for becoming involved in the case.  In Jafsie Tells All, he had placed emphasis on events the night of the kidnapping. March 1, 1932, and that he brooded for some days about what he must do before writing the letter to the home news.  In his near contemporaneous statements to police and the Grand Jury, however, he always placed the date approximately a week later, just before writing the letter.  Silken’s sudden appearance was no doubt a surprise, and Condon could not get his story straight about the visit of yet another mystery figure on March 7, 1932.  Here was one taxi driver who came forward, for his own good reasons, with a bunch of stories, one of which he hoped would lead to reward money.  But Condon could not deny the truth of one. 
            On another occasion, moreover, Condon had told Arthur O’Sullivan about a visit from a woman who needed help, and threw herself on his mercy so to speak, as the only good woman in a criminal family.  The police were not watching Condon’s house on March 7, 1932, and so he could have believed there was no way to prove or disprove whatever he said about visitors on that date. Were they one and the same, this woman who paid Silken a large fare and a tip in depression times to secure a housekeeper’s job; was she instead in search of children for a summer camp; or who was she?  Was she, finally, offering Condon a chance to be in on finding one child?
            Silken’s story unnerved Condon “and being somewhat confused” he then criticized the detectives for revealing details of the investigation.  By his claims in Jafsie Tells All Condon eliminated two taxi drivers from a place in the Lindbergh Case, and covers a lot of his confusing statements as well.  What do we know for sure?  Some person brought a note to Condon’s house that night.  If it was simply another taxi driver like Perrone or Silken, why did this person not make himself known to the police?  Fear? That is always a possibility in such a case, especially at a time when the nation seemed under siege from the criminal elements.  On the other hand, there might be a big reward for such information.  It was depression time, and hardly anyone was so well off as to ignore that possibility.   Or was it because this person was more deeply involved and did not want to be known?  One cannot simply dismiss this distinct possibility after all the police efforts to discover the identity of the mysterious messenger proved fruitless.
            And what, finally, is one to make of Condon’s various attempts to deal with questions about the encounter?  One explanation is that he was embarrassed about not getting the name, and, rather than admit he was too nervous, made up details to satisfy his questioners; then, when it came to his memoir, he told the story as it actually happened.  That’s possible, but what, then, are we to make of Myra’s story in 1934?  It is hard to reconcile the two.    Another explanation is that the person was, in fact, known to Condon.  If so, that would explain much, in the same way, perhaps, as his multiple descriptions of the woman at the bazaar clouded another “messenger’s” identity. Yet a third explanation is that Jafsie lived in his own world, where details were to be shaped to provide a cocoon around his confusions and keep him at the center of all the action.  Jafsie Tells All gave Condon the opportunity to straighten out all the twists and turns.  And he did so – to the best of his ability.  Little wonder, in any case, that the prosecution was worried about what he would say when he finally sat down in the straight-backed witness chair.


           



Friday, January 13, 2012

The Thumb Guard Discovery

"I will leave it to the jury whether it is bright and shiny," 
Ed Reilly, Defense Attorney

"No, you needn't leave it to the jury.  It is not bright and shiny; that is my view,"
David Wilentz, Prosecutor




Like the mystery of the second taxicab driver, there have always been questions about the discovery of one of Charlie’s thumb guards on April 1, 1932, the day before the $50,000 ransom was paid to Cemetery John at St. Raymond’s cemetery. According to the accepted narrative, Betty Gow, the nursemaind, and Elsie Whateley, housekeeper at Highfileds,  were in the habit of taking a mid-day walk down the gravel path, and on this day they saw the thumb guard on the ground before them.  “I recognized it immediately,” Betty testified. Lindbergh Case students will no doubt remember that the thumb guards had been placed on Charlie at bedtime every night, including the night of the kidnapping.  Thumb guards were popular at that time as a preventive measure to keep babies and young children from sucking their thumbs during sleep periods. Despite all the searches of the property in the days following the crime, all the police, reporters, onlookers, and the rest -- no one had noticed a thumb guard on the gravel road up to the house.  This was considered odd because it was not a small piece, but a rather large wire contraption with long shoelaces attached to it. Where it was found, moreover, was in the opposite direction from where the ladder and footprints were discovered. And in addition, it was found smack in the middle of the road, not off to one side or another. Commentators ever since have wondered about the thumb guard and when it was removed from the child.  Some have even postulated that it was not placed on the child that night – so as to induce a deeper sleep. 

Such speculations were inevitable because it seemed difficult to understand how something that big and shiny could have gone unnoticed for a month. At the trial, prosecutor David Wilentz questioned Anne about whether she recognized the thumb guard.  She did.  He then tried to get her to say that she had seen it placed on Charlie’s hand and wrist that night, but she demurred.

At the trial there ensued a three-way exchange between prosecutor David Wilentz, defense attorney Ed Reilly, and Betty Gow over the thumb guard discovery.  Defense Attorney Reilly during cross-examination of the nursemaid called attention to the condition of the thumb guard as a large piece of apparel, with the long shoestring ties.  He also called it "shiny."  Wilentz immediately objected to that description, saying it was not shiny.  Reilly replied that he would leave it to the jury to decide.  Anticipating Reilly’s line of questioning, Betty Gow in response then declared that it was much muddier when she found it than it now appeared to be in court.  Reilly pounced on that statement, pointing out that during direct examination she had told Wilentz that it was in exactly the same condition as when it was discovered.  Gow shot back that it could not be in the same condition because it had been handled by people.

She won laughter and approval for her quick wit, and much sympathy for standing up to a bully.  Reilly, a florid man, had leaned close during cross-examination, and had made no secret of his desire to pin the crime on the servants – or at least raise serious questions about their possible involvement.  And so the round went to Wilentz, courtesy of Betty Gow’s sharp wit. 

But that is not the end of the story. In a letter to Governor Harold Hoffman, who was conducting his own investigation in early 1936, a former photographer for the Philadelphia Inquirer, told the governor that he had walked that path the morning after the crime taking photographs of the entire area.  There was no thumb guard present on the road at that time.  A recently discovered deposition in the Robert Peacock Papers at the New Jersey State Police Museum, moreover, suggests that Reilly was right in pursuing the matter with the Attorney General and the witness.  Peacock took the deposition from a Morton Clemmer Maish, the maker of the thumb guards, known as Baby Alice Thumb Guards, on January 14, 1935.  This exchange is of some interest:

Q. What is the character of the metal from which that is made?

A. It is Monel metal.

Q. Does that metal rust?

A. No.  It corrodes very slowly.

Q. What is Monel metal?

A. It is a composition of approximately 30% copper and 70% nickel.

Q. Does it corrode at all?

A. On any metal there is a slight oxidation on the surface, even
though the surface remains bright.

Q. Is there slight oxidation in the one in your hand?

A. Yes.

Q. How long could that remain out in the elements and be in the condition in which it now is?

A. A year or more.  The guard would then become dirty but not corroded.

The question therefore needs to be posed again:  How could everyone have missed the thumb guard for a month after the kidnapping? Mr. Maish's statement makes it plain that the Monel metal type of thumb guard even when exposed to the elements did not have a surface that retained dirt easily.  And that is to say nothing of the long, white shoe strings.  Reilly’s verbal assault on Betty Gow occluded the real meaning of the thumb guard discovery as more evidence of a conspiracy to kidnap Charlie.  The question then becomes, why was it placed on the road as the ransom negotiations reached a critical moment?

Tuesday, December 27, 2011

A comprehensive survey of the ransom notes

 My last post touched on only one of the questions surrounding the ransom notes.  Readers who wish to look into the notes cannot do better than Mark Falzini's superb summary and analysis, which can be found here:


shttp://www.njspmuseum.blogspot.com/2008/02/one-of-most-fascinating-areas-of-study.html

The Mystery of the Ransom Notes:I



Never the least stir made the listeners,   
 Though every word he spake 3
 Fell echoing through the shadowiness of the still house.
                                                Walter De La Mere,  “The Listeners.”

                                   

            The Lindbergh kidnap ransom notes have been discussed from almost every angle.  Handwriting experts at the trial and afterwards down to recent television shows, especially one on Court TV, have reaffirmed the prevailing verdict that the author of all the notes was Bruno Richard Hauptmann.  The first book length study of the handwriting by expert J. Vreeland Haring, The Hand of Hauptmann (1937), argued that the notes – all of which were written by the same person, he insisted – constituted the scientific means necessary for a conviction once a suspect had been apprehended and samples of his writing “fell into the hands of the police.”

It is an identification which places the writer of these notes on the scene of the crime; it is a witness more certain and unerring than any human witness who may have observed his stealthy entrance in that nursery on the night of March 1 and actually seen the despoiling of the crib….  (p.39)

            We will leave Mr. Haring’s assertions, including his insistence that Hauptmann was not instructed how to write any words, or use any specific spellings for another post.  In this one I want to concentrate on a peculiarity of the notes not much discussed in all the furor over authorship and whether there was one or more writers of what must be one of the longest “dialogues” in kidnaping history.  No, I am not referring to the “singnature,” that strange symbol of interlocking circles and three holes.  That also will have to wait for another time.

            In this post I would like to call attention to the persistent concern shown in the notes to re-assure the Lindberghs that the child was in “gute care,” and being taken care of day and night by “two ladys.”   If one simply reads through the notes from the very first one to the last, without considering any other aspect of the notes, or the circumstances of the way they were handled, this concern stands out more than any other Various commentators on the psychology of ransom notes pointed out at the time and later that phrases used – and the threats not used – indicated the child was already dead.  The willingness to continue negotiations for as long as it took suggested the same point to some commentators; while to Harry Walsh it also suggested that the perpetrators kept tabs on the corpse’s location indicating it was safe to go on talking.  The promise that the child was in good care was present in the first note left on the window sill the night of the kidnaping. 

Is it possible the note was written in the nursery at the very time the child was taken out of the crib?  No.  A later note, on March 7, said the kidnaping was planned for a year, but not carried out because of concern about the child’s health.  “we was afraid the boy would not be strong enough.”  So, in effect, if this statement is to be credited, the kidnapers in the nursery note promise that the boy will receive good care, and that he is now strong enough to endure the trauma.  This reassurance is repeated in note after note throughout the negotiations from March 1 to the payoff night April 2, 1932.  The note that remarked on concern about the first year of the child’s life  --“the boy would not be strong enough” – thanked the Lindberghs for the information they had given in the newspapers about the child’s diet.  Another note even said that the child was eating more than the diet required!

Try reading the notes by themselves and see if that is not the dominant theme – a running commentary about the child’s physical health.  The oral dialogue between John Condon and the man he labeled “Cemetery John” at Woodlawn Cemetery on the night of March 12, 1932, contained a mini-history of the kidnaping in two sentences.  Remember that the notes promised the child would be in good care, and that the kidnaping had been delayed for a year out of concern for the child’s health, and that it was now eating better than the recommended diet.  During the conversation at Woodlawn, the shadowy figure who met Condon expressed great fears about his role – he suggested he had been trapped into participating in the crime.[1]  “Would I burn if the baby is dead?”  To which Condon supposedly replied, sharply:  “Is the baby all right?”   “The baby is happy and well –better as it was.  (Italics added.)

If (always a question) Condon’s recollection of the conversation is correct, it would appear that Cemetery John (a) had close enough connection with the family to know some details about the child’s health or (b) read the rumors that Harry Walsh discredited that there was something wrong with Charlie. Either way, it would seem that the kidnaper(s) had something of an obsession with the child and that money was only part of the reason for the crime



[1]   Readers of the previous post will note that Harry Walsh believed Condon had been not straight about the case and that he had some dark secrets in his past that might have been used as blackmail, or, more simply, that he was capable of such a crime.  John Condon/Cemetery John, or JC/CJ.  Psychologist alert!

Saturday, December 24, 2011

Give 'Em Hell, Harry!



If we get in touch with them, they will think they are in a China war.
Inspector Harry Walsh, March 3, 1932


Inspector Harry Walsh of the Jersey City Police Department could have played one of the 1930s tough cops in any of the gangster movies.  He was accused more than one time of using the “3rd Degree” when he questioned suspects; and he was very much a political figure under “Boss” Frank Hague, who ran Jersey City as his personal fiefdom in this era.  On Walsh’s desk were two cradle-style telephones with center ovals that ordinarily had the phone number inside. One phone used for local calls had a picture of Hague in the oval, while the long distance phone had a picture of President Franklin D. Roosevelt.[1]

As noted in my last post, Harry Walsh always believed that the kidnaper had to have accomplices.  From the moment he arrived on the scene on March 2, 1932 to the eve of Hauptman’s execution he was convinced that the crime could not have been carried out by one man climbing into the nursery, seizing the child from the bed, and then exiting down a ladder with the child to make his get-away unaided.  He never wavered from that view.  He also believed that the crime could have been solved earlier had proper police procedures been followed.  But, instead, he argued, the State Police, following Col. Norman Schwarzkopf’s lead, allowed Charles Lindbergh to set the limits on what could and could not be done.  Walsh was not shy about expressing his views and these got him into a peck of trouble with both Schwarzkopf and J. Edgar Hoover.  He deserved some of the criticism, certainly, but his role in the investigation deserves a second look.


Hague deputed Walsh to Hopewell the day after the kidnaping – in response to Gov. A. Harry Moore’s request, who had promised all the state’s resources would be made available for the search.[2]  Walsh took a leading role in most of the original interrogations, especially in three key ones:  Violet Sharp, the maid he suspected of tipping off the kidnapers; John Condon, the eccentric schoolmaster who paid over the ransom money to the man he called “Cemetery John,” and John Hughes Curtis, the financially troubled shipbuilder from Norfolk, Va., who invented a story of kidnapers who used a man named “Sam” to deliver messages about where and when to pay the ransom.  Walsh ultimately broke Curtis’s story, and got him to confess he had made it all up. But he had no luck with Violet or Condon.

Without going into great detail here, Walsh pursued the maid with tough questioning until he uncovered the lies Violet told about her activities and who she associated with on the day and evening of the kidnaping. He did not have the chance to follow-up that success, and Violet’s strange behavior eventually culminated in her suicide – for which Walsh received plenty of criticism, in the United States and in Violet’s homeland, Great Britain, as a bully who drove the woman to suicide.  In the Condon interrogations, Walsh believed he had been very close to cracking the schoolmaster’s story, had he been given more opportunity to press him about his “relationship” with Cemetery John, and whether his own indiscretions might account for his behavior.  Either Condon was incredibly naïve about his dealings with CJ, he believed, or somehow complicit.  But he would never know which was the case because Lindbergh had ruled out any attempt to stake out the pay-off site, and he was called off Condon.  (For those who wish to look deeper, the paperback edition of my book will be published in the late spring of 2012.)

In the early days of the investigation Walsh was the most quoted police officer at the kidnap site.  And, in those early days, he was highly complimentary to Lindbergh for the cooperation the police received and the generosity of the family in providing space for the police officers.  The only thing that bothered him were the crowds of people and the mass of passing automobiles that clogged the roads around Highfields.  Under such conditions it was tough to carry out an investigation.

Walsh was called to the scene on May 12th when the body was found not 100 feet off the roadside a few miles from the house; and was the first to “touch” the child by attempting to turn it over with a stick.  In doing so, he penetrated the skull.  This act caused some confusion and consternation among prosecutors later, because the hole resembled a bullet wound.  If the child had not died at the house as the result of a fall – the original prosecution theory – then there would be unwanted complications.  However that might be, the inspector testified at the Hauptmann trial that the corpse, “veiled with vermin,” might have been placed in a hole dug out for the purpose, or might not have.  Could nature have explained why the body was only “buried” a few inches deep?  “That is altogether possible.”

Prosecutor David Wilentz warned Walsh to stick to answering the questions without speculating.   But little details bothered Walsh.  A week after the corpse was found a conference was held at Highfields summoned by Schwarzkopf and which included representatives from the Bureau of Investigation (later the Federal Bureau of Investigation or FBI) and the Treasury Department.  Schwarzkopf opened the session, but most of the time Harry Walsh took the lead in answering questions and exploring the theories that had developed.

He was discreet and offered no public criticisms until after the body of the child was found.  Like later investigators several things stood out in Walsh’s mind:  He could not understand why or how the window where the ransom note was found on the sill had been closed.  He came back a couple of times to that point as if posing the thought might cause them to theorize about the oddity.  He thought it was very important as well that one of Charlie’s thumb guards, a contraption with laces that tied around the wrist, had been found by Betty Gow, the nursemaid, “in the middle of the road just about half way between the two ruts” at the entrance to the property a month after the kidnaping.  In the middle of the road, presumably where it would be easy to see, yet it had not been found for a month. 

For Walsh, the place where the thumb guard was found suggested further proof of a gang, presumably with the person carrying the dead child from the house stripping off the sleeping suit and handing it to someone in another car.  He did not mention the possibility that the thumb guard was a plant, however, placed there long after the kidnaping, possibly to get rid of incriminating evidence.  A photographer for the Philadelphia Inquirer did bring up this point in a letter to Governor Harold Hoffman in 1936, however, informing him that he had walked over that entire area the morning after the crime, taking pictures and looking for “clues” and saw nothing in the road where the thumb guard was found.

At the May 18th conference, Walsh rehearsed his theory that Violet had been the one to tip off the kidnapers, but he also equivocated on whether it was an “inside” job or not, since if the crime had been planned by outsiders who took turn watching the goings on inside the house, they could have seen all they needed to know about the set up since there were no curtains or shades on the windows.  What nagged at him was the timing, the “Tuesday Night” problem, and that was where Violet came in. But while Schwarzkopf issued a press statement that her suicide indicated pretty certainly that she had secret knowledge, the trail ran out when her companions on that evening were quizzed.

Most important to his mind was the role of the enigmatic Condon.  It had taken four and a half hours to get his story, Walsh told the assembled group at Highfields.   The FBI representative, Mr. Nathan, asked the key question:  “Of course you gentlemen are convinced that Condon is straight?”  No, answered Walsh, he was not.  “I do not know whether it is the truth but I understand he has been arrested on two or three complaints of corrupting the morals of minors and another sex case or carnal abuse.”  These rumors swirled around Condon for years without posing a serious threat to his story (or various stories) of the meetings with “Cemetery John.” For Walsh, they apparently seemed to indicate that he might have been an unwilling participant in the crime as a man being blackmailed.  When he first questioned Condon at Highfields on May 12, Walsh went easy on him.  But not so on June 2 when he tried to pick out weak points in his story, especially his apparent vow to the kidnapers that they could “trust” him, in a long session at the Alpine State Police station.  What did that mean, he hammered at Condon, how far did that go?  Would he stand by guilty murderers? “From the circumstances of this case as I know them you know more than you have told us.”  Condon insisted this was not the case, and would contend in his articles and “memoir” of the case, Jafsie Tells All,  that Walsh made him walk along a narrow path near a precipice as the interrogation went on to frighten him. 

Walsh zeroed in on what many have always regarded as the strangest moment in the final transaction on April 2 – Condon’s ability to barter down the ransom from $70,000 to $50,000.  Condon’s claim had been that he had convinced the man he met that night that Lindbergh could not scrape together more than the original demand for $50,000.  In this version given to Walsh Cemetery John supposedly replied, “We know it’s hard times like that, why certainly we’ll take fifty thousand.”  Walsh was rightly amazed.  The reply is almost a parody of genuine empathy, if not gallantry – and as such revolting.  In other versions of his conversation, however, Condon had said that Cemetery John was much more grudging, saying that if they could not get the $70,000 they would have to accept fifty.  Either way, it sounded fishy to Walsh, who put it to the schoolmaster that the reason “they” accepted the lesser figure was because the money was to have gone to Condon who had been told that the child was dead and no longer wanted any part of the scheme.

If one were dealing with anyone else but Condon, such a conclusion would not be unwarranted.  But one is hard-pressed to accept any of his statements as resembling a true account of events.  Walsh confronted him with the language of the ransom notes that said the kidnapers had raised the price because they had had to take in an additional conspirator:  “That person couldn’t have been anybody but you.”  They went round and round on that question until Walsh finally gave up.

Meanwhile, shortly after the May 18th Conference, some of those who had gathered for the confab staged a re-enactment of the crime.  They were led in this acting out  by Colonel Lindbergh, who had suggested the idea.  After a detective climbed down from the nursery on “the ladder” (although it is not clear from the story whether it really was the ladder), Lindbergh led the group along the path he supposedly traced with his flashlight the night of the crime, “as well as along other possible routes in an attempt to fix on the true one.”[3]

What Walsh thought of the re-enactment we do not know.  A few months later in a series of newspaper articles, Walsh re-enacted his own role for readers of the Jersey Journal.  Every day that passes he wrote in November 1932, make it less likely that a “complete solution” would be possible, but, as the old saying went, “murder will out.”
He said that J.Edgar Hoover had recommended a well-known man in police circles for shady dealings, one Morris “Mickey” Rosner, as a go-between if a mob had the child.  That was not so, and he was rightly criticized for saying Hoover had been the instigator through Lindbergh’s friend and lawyer.  However that may be, Walsh revealed that Rosner had been paid $2,500 by Lindbergh, and given an opportunity to read the ransom note.  The men Rosner contacted heralded their role in the press – but produced nothing of importance.  The way Walsh described the Rosner affair in these articles indicated that he had not agreed with Lindbergh’s role from a fairly early date. The Colonel had guided the search that first night, then he directed it towards a New York mob, and he prevented police from following the car he and Condon drove to the pay-off rendezvous.  Walsh felt keen frustration that “normal” police procedures were not followed, and said so in these articles, which also alienated Col. Schwarzkopf. 

Walsh was unrepentant about his dealings with Violet Sharp.  He sarcastically referred to her bank balance of $1600, saying he wished he had that much set aside.  And he dismissed explanations that claimed she was embarrassed by what he had uncovered about her social life.  The people she might have tipped off, he believed, were “professionals” because they knew the child was dead even as the negotiations for its return continued and reached a climax when Condon handed over $50,000 in a specially made box to “Cemetery John.” Amateurs would never have the courage to go through with it after the child died. They were capable of making trips down to see if the body had been discovered – a brazen display of sang froid if there ever was one.

In any event, by the time of the Hauptmann trial, relations between Walsh and the NJSP had reached a low point.  And after the trial when Gov. Harold Hoffman tried to find out by his own investigation the story of all that happened that night, the first of March 1932, Walsh seemed ready to help in any way he could, according to defense attorney Lloyd Fisher, who had been “in touch” with the inspector “on various occasions.”  Fisher also said that “Walsh had told him not to hesitate to call upon him if and when he, Walsh, could be helpful.”   Whether he would have allowed his doubts about the investigation and the trial to overcome his natural political instincts to stay far away from Hoffman’s controversial  foray into the workings of Jersey Justice,  is more doubtful.[4] 

So we are left to ponder the same questions Walsh did about the way the crime was carried out by the perpetrators and “solved” to the satisfaction of a jury in Flemington, New Jersey.

But there was one more thing of interest in Walsh’s articles.  Near the end of the last article in the Jersey Journal, Walsh took up the question of the child’s health:

“ ‘Was the baby a mute?’  That is another question I hear.
  Ridiculous!
  The baby was a normal, healthy happy youngster.
  Why anyone should start such a crazy whisper story about Baby     
  Lindbergh is beyond me – but I suppose such aspersions are one  
  Of the taxes on fame.”[5]

In my next post I will discuss the ransom notes and their seeming knowledge about Charlie’s health.



[1]   Walsh’s rank seems to go up and down almost as often as a flag on a flagpole, at least in media accounts.  Sometimes he is listed as Captain, sometimes Inspector, sometimes Chief. 
[2]   Years earlier Walsh had been sent to New Brunswick to help with the re-investigation of the famous Hall-Mills murder case, which ended in an unsuccessful prosecution of Reverend Hall’s brothers-in-law.  Famous as the “Minister and Choir Leader” case, the bodies of Hall and Mrs. Mills were found in an orchard with love letters strewn about them.  It was always suspected the widow’s brothers were the culprits. But the point to be made here was that experienced officers like Walsh were often “loaned” out for big profile cases.
[3] “Lindbergh Reenacts Baby’s Kidnapping,” New York Times, May 20, 1932.
[4]  M.&M. to Harold Hoffman, February 21, 1936, from the “Meade Files” in the Hoffman Collection at the State Police Museum.  (I would like to thank Michael Melsky for going this letter to my attention.)
[5]   Jersey Journal, November 23, 1932.